A Study of the Names of Maogusi (Part Five)
Maogusi also passed through several stages of development. Though not as densely staged as humanity's overall marital and sexual development, its rough and rugged phase is fairly well represented. 1. The first stage of Maogusi's development—the transitional period from ape to human (early primitive society). In this stage Maogusi belonged to the era when apes became human; from this we...
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The development of the Maogusi also went through several stages. Although not as densely staged as the marital and sexual development of humanity as a whole, it still possesses a relatively robust stage of rugged development.
1. The first stage of Maogusi development—the transitional period of humanity from ape to human (the early primitive society). In this stage, the Maogusi was in the period of transformation from ape to human. We can obtain this information from the Tujia-language names for the Maogusi, "Chega" and "Songga Chega"; the meanings of "Chega" and "Songga Chega" were analyzed above in the discussion of the Tujia-language names for the Maogusi. That is to say, in this period the Maogusi had the embryonic form of a human, and humanity was beginning its transition to true humans. Later, although the times changed, the Maogusi continued to be performed endlessly in Tujia areas, but this linguistic state and behavioral state of the Maogusi were completely preserved. This is nothing less than an astonishing contribution the Tujia people made to the development of human society, providing fossil-like evidence for the entire cultural course of humanity. Regarding the emergence of language, many linguists and anthropologists have discussed it. In what era did it specifically emerge? Human language roughly emerged fifty thousand years ago. At this time, the evolution of human intelligence went through three stages: Homo habilis, Homo erectus, and Homo sapiens. Intelligence reached a certain level, and at the same time, with the needs of social development, the human vocal organs had also evolved to a certain degree, physiologically capable of bearing the responsibility of language. Emitting certain complex speech sounds, human culture produced an unprecedented great leap. Regardless of when language emerged, the linguistic expression of the Maogusi opened a harbinger flower for the emergence of language for all humanity.
2. The second stage of Maogusi development—the matrilineal society period of primitive society (marriage forms including group marriage and Punalua marriage).
From the Tujia-language names of the Maogusi, we can see that the Maogusi experienced the matrilineal society of primitive human society. From the first and second categories of Tujia-language names for the Maogusi—Bapa, Bapa Gechi, Bapani, Kuqikabu—these female-centered names indicate that the Maogusi was earliest performed mainly by women, and the roles were entirely female. Later, after development into a male-centered form, these roles in the Maogusi were changed to be played by men. These names of the Maogusi also have their regularity. The first is "Kuqikabu." "Kuqikabu" is called "man-bear grandmother" in the Tujia language, indicating that at that time humanity was in the transitional period from ape to human, and humans had not yet departed from the category of "ape." Later, in daily life in Xiangxi, the Tujia people, in order to frighten children, often said, "Don't cry, Kuqikabu is coming." People did not care about the actual effect, and to this day they still frighten children in the same way. This shows that the name "Kuqikabu" of the Maogusi has already taken deep root in people's hearts and has become a preserved variety of Tujia culture.
When humanity evolved to a certain point and had completely evolved from ape-man to human—that is, true humans in the real sense—the names of the Maogusi also made some progress. It was no longer appropriate to call evolved humans "Kuqikabu," so the name of the Maogusi was simply based on the term for women, and it was named "Bapa." "Bapa" is the most ancient Tujia-language term for women. Nowadays, apart from a few Tujia-language areas where it is used to address women who have surpassed the age of seventy, this term for women has almost disappeared from Tujia languages elsewhere. In fact, "Bapa" was the most common term for women among the Tujia people during primitive society. It did not distinguish between female children, young women, and elderly women. Later, through the baptism of time, it gradually became a specific term only for elderly women. Because at that time it was the matrilineal period of primitive society, an era when women held power, with women as the main body and center, the Maogusi performances were mainly by women, so it is not surprising that the name was based on women. With the general term "Bapa" for women, the name "Bapa Gechi" followed. As mentioned earlier, "Bapa Gechi" means "women playing" in Chinese. Since women held the dominant position, it was perfectly normal for the Maogusi to be named "women playing." However, this was a step further than the previous simple name "Bapa"—that is, women could now openly and boldly play, and playing became a privilege of women. Shortly after, after a certain period, the name of the Maogusi further evolved into "Bapani." If the earlier female name was women taking the initiative themselves, then this name became men taking the initiative, because "Bapani" means "seeking women" in Chinese—that is, women could not necessarily be seen casually anymore; men had to expend some effort to "seek" them, and this phenomenon was applied to the name of the Maogusi. This also revealed a sign that patrilineal society was about to replace matrilineal society. Men were about to step onto the stage of history. That is to say, the figure of women dominating society was about to disappear, hence the formation of "Bapani," the situation of needing to seek women. Later still, the Tujia language called old women (elderly women) "Bani," which is an abbreviation of "Bapani" with the middle "Pa" omitted.
It is worth noting that once a culture has been formed within an ethnic group, if there is no tremendous external interference and invasion, it is difficult for it to disappear all at once. But it can undergo changes and variations. With the passage of time and the advancement of society, the meaning of "Bapa" also underwent divergence and fission. On the one hand, "Bapa" became a specific term for women; on the other hand, "Bapa" evolved into a guardian deity of children. Whenever a child was born in a Tujia family, they would cut a paper image of the "Bapa" deity and paste it on the cupboard. Before every meal, mother and child would first make offerings to her. Otherwise, it was believed that the child would not be raised smoothly. Even now, when Tujia Tima (shamans) perform rituals, the Tima rituals still have the following names: Yue Ri (Tujia language, meaning worshipping deities), Yao Long Ke Luo (half Chinese, half Tujia, meaning shaking copper bells; copper bells are called Ke Luo in Tujia language), playing Bodhisattva, shaking bao bao, acting as Tu Lao Si, etc. In order to eliminate certain disasters for children, there is also a segment of initiating "Bapa" to seek Bapa's protection for children.
3. The third stage of Maogusi development—from the patrilineal clan society period of primitive society (including the period of pairing marriage) to the Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods.
After the Maogusi developed to the second stage, it entered the patrilineal clan society. The Tujia-language names of the Maogusi shifted from female-centered to male-centered. Its names included "Bapuka" and "Bapukari." In patrilineal society, although these names of the Maogusi were not as numerous as the female names, this name nevertheless solidified the social transformation of the Maogusi, transitioning from one society to another. From then on, the Maogusi stepped onto the social stage with a brand-new posture. Men displayed many of their secrets before the world. The content of the Maogusi also increased considerably in male aspects, its watchability was enhanced, and its social significance underwent new changes. When men stepped onto the social stage, they strove to express male culture and display male charm. Thus, the Maogusi costume included the "crude stick" (i.e., the male organ), and in movements there were actions displaying male virility such as "boasting virility," "thrusting virility," and "beating dew," unreservedly displaying the masculine spirit of manhood before the public. In addition, the male Maogusi also gained the right to flirt with the female Maogusi. They could flirt by blowing on tree leaves, flirt by singing mountain songs, and openly develop feelings of admiration for the female Maogusi. The male Maogusi thus developed a psychology of pursuit and bold actions toward the female Maogusi, and the formerly passive situation of males turned into an active one. Furthermore, in the Maogusi performances, the scene of the male Maogusi seizing a bride by force was completely incorporated, expressing that males had become the true masters of society. Whatever males should have was reflected to some degree in the Maogusi performances. All of this in the Maogusi may seem like ordinary daily trivialities, but in fact it is cultural progress, a social imprint. It unabashedly declares to society: humanity has already begun to enter a new period, entering a new epoch of history.
During this period, the economic type of humanity began to transform from fishing and hunting to farming, and marriage relationships also shifted from group marriage to pairing marriage.
Changing the name of the Maogusi from the former female names to male names—"Bapuka" and "Bapukari"—was only natural and fully deserved. In fact, "Bapuka" in the Maogusi was originally the Tujia-language term for all males in the Maogusi, and later the name simply became a term for a male with very rich experience. Still later, it became a specific term for addressing old men. Even later, the Tujia-language term for old men was replaced by "Bapachi."
These changes in the Maogusi indicate that the ancestors of the Tujia people understood the thread of human social development and possessed a certain foresight, and also indicate that the information of human social progress had a strong manifestation in the Maogusi.
4. The fourth stage of Maogusi development—from the Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods to the period of "replacement of native officials with centrally appointed officials."
Why should the fourth stage of Maogusi development span from the Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods to the Qing Dynasty's "replacement of native officials with centrally appointed officials"? Because before the Qing Dynasty's "replacement of native officials with centrally appointed officials," the Youshui River basin was still very backward and very closed off; outsiders could rarely enter this region, and it was basically still in a primitive or semi-primitive social state. Although by the late Five Dynasties period—that is, during the Tianfu era of the Later Jin—the Chu King Ma Xifan and the Xizhou Prefect Peng Shichou fought an unequal Battle of Xizhou, which stirred up the primitive social order of the Youshui River basin, and the Youshui River basin seemed to transition to feudal society, in reality it still did not shake the foundation of primitive society on this land. For example, the Maogusi came to include content such as "spinning cotton," "carrying corn on the back," and "hoeing weeds." These left the imprint of this period in the Tujia Maogusi performances; these were agricultural production methods that emerged after the development of the iron-smelting industry. It is generally acknowledged that China's iron-smelting industry arose during the Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods, and after the Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods came feudal society. After the Tianfu era of the Later Jin, the custom of worshipping the Tuwang began to appear in Maogusi performances. The Tujia people changed from worshipping the single deity of the Eight Great Kings to worshipping a dual deity system of both the Eight Great Kings and the Tuwang. The emergence of this dual deity was a fundamental change. The Tuwang is the Tujia people's term for Peng Shichou and his descendants, the various Tusi (native officials), but Peng Shichou is the recognized Tuwang of the Tujia people (some places also call the Eight Great Kings the Tuwang, but not many). Some say the Xizhou Tusi (mainly referring to the Tusi of the Xiangxi Tujia areas) lasted eight hundred years, counting from the generation of Peng Shichou. That is to say, taking the period from the Battle of Xizhou (the fifth year of Tianfu of the Later Jin [940] to the Qing Dynasty's "replacement of native officials with centrally appointed officials" [1725]) as the time span, the Xiangxi Tusi were mainly governed by the Peng clan. The Xiangxi Peng clan was divided into two major series: one was the Yongshun Peng clan, and the other was the Baojing Peng clan. Although the Baojing Peng clan was also descendants of Peng Shichou's son Peng Shigao, after a long time it still developed into another system, and later the two even intermarried. The Peng clan of Longshan had both the bloodline of the Yongshun Peng clan and the bloodline of the Baojing Peng clan.